SEA’s Annual Conference will be an important opportunity to consider the implications of the General Election for education and the issues that are likely to be facing us in the next Parliament.
I can now confirm the speakers and the themes we’ll be addressing. They will be:
- The political and parliamentary outlook after the election – John Cryer MP Chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party
- Child development in the early years and its implications for policy – Pam Jarvis from Leeds Metropolitan University
- School funding cuts and the campaign to resist them – Matt Dykes,
- Resisting the return of grammar schools and secondary moderns – Councillor Michael Pavey, Political and Parliamentary Officer, Comprehensive Future.
- Post election prospects for post 16 education – Eddie Playfair, Principal NewVic Sixth Form College and former Vice Chair of SEA.
The conference will be held in Room B04, Birkbeck College, Malet Street London, WC1E 7HY on Saturday 24th June 2017. The AGM will begin at 10.00 and the Conference will start at 11.00 am.
The cost to attend the conference is £25 waged and £15 unwaged. This includes lunch.
Please book your place by e mail to email@example.com . Payment can be made on the day.
As we move into the county council election campaign, putting together a strong message on education is not easy. As more and more powers are stripped away from local authorities, the temptation to not pay much attention to the issue is strong. As Labour is in opposition in most county councils, that temptation can be all the greater.
There are however some strong messages that should be put forward and areas where even opposition councillors can make a difference.
Most obvious is a root and branch opposition to any expansion of selection. We don’t yet know exactly what the government is planning but we do know there will be some councils and some individual schools who want to pursue this. Labour groups should be opposing this at every opportunity and should be encouraging and supporting any local campaigns. The key message should be to remember that most children won’t go to selective schools and their opportunities will be seriously damaged.
Local elections are obviously an opportunity to highlight national issues. One will be the newly announced Labour policy on primary school meals paid for through VAT on private school fees. Other obvious ones are the growing teacher shortage and the savage cuts to school budgets. In many county areas, local Tories will be up in arms at the failure of the government’s funding formula to deliver increases for their schools. It’s important for Labour to be clear that the problem is cuts in the overall funding for schools rather than the formula. On this issue, the article by Martin Johnson in the current issue of Education Politics is a must read (https://socedassoc.files.wordpress.com/2017/03/education-politics-march-2017.pdf).
It is really important to remember local authorities still have the responsibility to support and promote high standards in schools that are still LA maintained – which in many cases will be most primaries.
Perhaps more important, though, is to assert the duty of the local authority to be the advocate for parents and children. Even where local authorities no longer have any formal power, they do have a moral right and duty to use their influence and their democratic mandate to stand up for local communities against central government, over-mighty academy chains and that minority of schools that put their own self-interest above that of all their pupils. This could mean for example:
– Identifying any need for school places and brokering deals with appropriate organisations to try and ensure that new places and schools are in the right place and are consistent with the values of the authority and local people. Don’t wait for the EFA to dump something on you if possible.
– Seeking to persuade schools to collaborate in areas such as professional development and school improvement
– Making sure the needs of vulnerable pupils are met and that all schools contribute to meeting their needs. This means a joint approach to SEN, placing excluded pupils and so on.
– Being prepared to challenge schools that are not performing well enough or that are not acting fairly over issues such as admissions, SEN and exclusions. Local authorities should be prepared to take issues to Ofsted, the Regional Commissioner or the Schools Adjudicator and demand that they take action.
– Keeping an eye out for financial mismanagement and other failings in academy chains. This would include free schools where there is no need and where buildings are inappropriate.
– Working with local unions to promote local solutions to teacher recruitment and retention, workload etc. Unions will be a valuable source of local intelligence about what is happening on the ground
In many cases local authorities can’t say simply “we will pledge to deliver this” in relation to schools. But still councils can wield influence even within current constraints. Even a minority group can spot and raise issues, pressure Tory majority groups and get local publicity for issues and concerns. And by doing so they help to make the case for the restoration of a coherent public education service properly accountable to local communities
This article is included in the current issue of the SEA journal, Education Politics
The SEA is currently going about the task of developing a new education policy agenda for England. Our aim is to provide Labour with a comprehensive road map for the future and to challenge the damaging and backward looking policies of the current government.
This process is now well under way. At our meetings this year in Birmingham and Liverpool we’ve looked in detail at three of the ten areas that we identified as themes that we need to address. We’ve addressed the issues around the school workforce, the inspection and accountability of schools and the needs of young people with special educational needs and disabilities.
At our next meeting in Cardiff on May 13th we’ll be looking at the whole issue of inequality – looking at how poverty, privilege, gender, ethnicity and geography all contribute to severely unequal outcomes from our education system. Then at our annual conference on June 24th in London, we’ll be focussing on the curriculum from early years through primary and secondary to post 16. We’ll look at what we teach, how we teach it and how we should assess children’s progress. An important factor will be to re-define the boundary between the roles of politicians and professional educatorw which has become so disastrously blurred in recent years.
In the debates we’ve had so far a number of themes are beginning to emerge that have implications for many aspects of our education service. Key themes are:
– Education is already underfunded and this is going to get worse. This has implications for pay and hence for recruitment and retention. We found it also has implications for SEND pupils, especially where the support services on which they so much rely have been decimated.
– The punitive focus on testing and accountability is damaging in so many ways. It’s contributing to the crisis in teacher morale and retention. It’s distorting what is taught and how it’s taught. The pressure of Ofsted and league tables mean that too often the narrow interests of the school are put above the interests of the pupils.
– Marketisation and privatisation are destroying the frameworks that supported collaboration and helped to ensure a degree of fairness for all. In particular, pupils with special needs are at risk when local partnerships break down.
We’re very keen that as many SEA members as possible are involved in this process as possible and we know that members in other parts of the country won’t be able to get to meetings. So here are some of the perhaps trickier questions and issues that we’ll need to resolve and about which it would be really helpful to get the views of members and supporters.
What do you think about these issues?
Q1. We know education needs higher levels of funding. So do many other public services. Being credible about the public finances is really important. So what should we be saying about how the money should be found?
Q2 Provision for children with special needs has to strike a balance between the principle of inclusion, parental choice and the highly specialist provision that some children need. This often leads to conflict between families, schools and local authorities, especially at a time when money is short. What is the right balance between inclusion in mainstream and specialist provision? And who should decide what is right for an individual child?
Q3 By 2020, academisation will probably be even further advanced. Pressure to put schools into multi-academy trusts will continue and lots of elaborate organisational structures and personal vested interests will have been established. SEA has always opposed the academy model – but how practically should we go about restoring education as a public service with proper democratic accountability?
Q4 Selection isn’t just about grammar schools. English education is bedevilled by academic, religious and socio-economic segregation in virtually every area. How can we make our school system more genuinely comprehensive?
Q5 All research says that too many children under achieve in English schools. Why does that happen and what can we do about it? How far is this about what schools do – and how can that change? But also how far is it about how unequal our society is as a whole? What other kinds of things need to change if children are to have a more equal chance of success in school and beyond?
Q6 SEA believes there is too much of a blame culture around schools arising from our current approach to testing, league tables and inspection. We do need systems to tell us how well children and schools are doing and to identify what needs to improve. So, how can we monitor and support schools and children without the damaging effects caused by our present systems?
Q7 We’ve had a National Curriculum since 1988. Since that time, it’s become more and more dominated by political opinions but, of course, it doesn’t apply to academies. So, do we still need a National Curriculum? If we do, what’s wrong with the one we’ve got, how prescriptive should it be, who should be responsible for deciding what’s in it and how it should be kept up to date?
If you’ve got views on any of these issues do please let us know. They could be used too as the framework for local debates in CLPs, union branches or any other local forums.
Please e mail your responses and ideas to firstname.lastname@example.org.
On our website at https://socialisteducationalassociation.org/sea-manifesto-2017/ you can find the first group of materials prepared for this manifesto. We’d like to have lots more contributions – we know SEA members have expertise in just about every aspect of education. Do share your ideas so we can make sure our manifesto draws on all that knowledge and experience.
This post is the foreword to this new book and is written by Melissa Benn. Eric MacFarlane was the founding principal of Queen Mary’s College, one of Hampshire’s pioneering 16+ comprehensive colleges, and has been an LEA adviser, examiner and assessor. He worked at the University of Surrey and Birkbeck College promoting the Enterprise in Higher Education initiative, before becoming academic staff adviser in University College, London. The book is published by New Generation Publishing
This thoughtful book is published just as a fresh set of politicians try once more to overhaul our education system. Young people, says our government (which has, incidentally, no popular mandate for any such reform), should once more be divided into the supposedly academically able and the rest. The only problem with this proposal? It has already proved a failure as was shown, fifty years ago, when educators, parents, politicians and students, from all points on the political spectrum, rejected the binary division of the primary school population into winners and losers. And so our comprehensive system was born.
Yet here come the same old tired and élitist ideas, only this time they are dressed up as diversity not division, a means to promote so-called social mobility rather than suppress the achievements and spirits of the majority and with grammar schools now reframed as ‘centres of excellence’. Having been a grammar school pupil, teacher and head teacher himself, Eric Macfarlane is particularly well placed to puncture the discouraging doublespeak of these proposals and he does so with forensic precision.
But this book, which goes to the heart of our current dilemmas, is about so much more. Eric Macfarlane has had an astonishingly varied and interesting life as a teacher, school leader, consultant and examiner, always learning from his many roles (this last is so important). He subtly and gently deploys this long experience to point out how far we have travelled from understanding and developing a profound sense of what education should be about. Instead, succeeding waves of anxious and arrogant politicians have substituted the quick fix for deep thought, the top-down overhaul for organically evolving change, the conventional and the arid for the bold and playful.
Our education system is slowly being strangled by an obeisance to old-fashioned ideas that only the academic route is worth anything, an obsession that not only fails so many of our children but does not even serve the traditionally successful. Every young person, whatever their talents, needs access to a general and more arts-based education and a more exploratory and enjoyable approach to the art of learning itself.
As the head of one of the country’s pioneering open access 16-19 comprehensive colleges Eric Macfarlane shows us what such a broad and less specialised educational experience can achieve – indeed, what it did achieve – and how much it benefits young people at a point when they are at the height of their creativity and expressiveness. With controlled force, and always resorting to the reasoned, human example, he argues that if we would only stop trying to ape the past and in particular some partial, mythical view of the old public school model we could develop a more original and exciting vision of learning.
At the same time, we need to loosen the grip of centralised political control on our schools. Genuine school and classroom autonomy has been eroded over decades by politicians and policymakers convinced that they, and they alone, know what a good education looks like, sweeping away generations of fruitful experiment and hard-won experience in the process. Now even our primary schools are being robbed of their breadth and vitality in order to become early staging posts on the way to an over-specialised university experience.
Despite his warnings, this is not a pessimistic book. Eric Macfarlane manages to convey the many joys of truly unfettered learning, and acknowledges that there are, and will always remain, many wonderful teachers and heads and pupils in our schools, working against the grain of official policy.
For all that, there beats in this well informed crie de coeur a single powerful message: we are heading in completely the wrong direction.
This wise book will speak to a wide range of audiences. It will surely strike a chord with those lucky enough to have experienced first-hand some of the innovative and intellectually exciting experiments of an earlier era of comprehensive education before obsessive accountability measures and endless testing took over. It will also prove an important resource for a generation of teachers, parents and young people who sense something has gone very wrong in today’s system.
This rich mix of memoir, reflection and persuasion will, I hope, act as both tremendous encouragement to their burgeoning rebellions and a guide to shaping an alternative approach.
The story of the Isle of Portland Aldridge Academy is one that illustrates many of the dubious features of academy sponsorship. This academy is an all through school formed in 2012 as an amalgamation of four primary schools and one secondary school. It was sponsored by the Aldridge Foundation and Dorset County Council.
The Aldridge Academies Trust was founded by Rod Aldridge of Capita. In addition to the Isle of Portland, it currently has four schools in Darwen, Lancashire, two in Brighton and one in North Kensington. It is planning to open two UTC’s in Salford and Newhaven and is responsible for the National College for Digital Skills in Tottenham.
In 2014, the Isle of Portland was rated good by Ofsted. Since then however things have gone downhill rapidly. Results have dropped sharply and the financial situation of the academy has become critical. It’s under a Financial Notice to Improve, owes £520k to the government and has made 21 redundancies. Part of the background to this was the delay in uniting the school on a single site.
The plan was for the school to become a full member of the Aldridge multi-academy trust – up to now it’s been a single academy trust with Aldridge as one of the trust sponsors. This is a subtle but significant distinction – it means the MAT doesn’t control staffing and can’t use its other resources to support the school financially. Joining the MAT though was not popular – 1000- parents signed a petition opposing it and the chair and vice chair resigned. But of course these days, local people’s views count for very little.
However this plan has fallen through – Aldridge has withdrawn from any involvement and the Regional Commissioner is stuck with trying to find a new sponsor for a school in very significant difficulties.
So what can we learn from this story –
First we need to ask what possible coherence there can be for a smallish trust with schools spread the length and breadth of the country. The government’s vision for MATs is that they foster collaboration and the sharing of best practice. They are meant to nurture talented staff and spread them across their schools. You would expect the trust’s central staff to be engaging regularly with the schools – especially those in difficulties. It’s hard to see how any of this can happen in such a disparate organisation. The trust actually recognised that the isolation of Portland from the rest of the trust was a problem but it’s equally hard to see how Kensington, Darwen and Brighton add much value to each other.
Secondly, the MAT has taken the decision to withdraw based entirely on its own interests. Portland comes with a big debt which would fall to the trust to sort out. It knows sorting out the educational issues of this isolated school would be very hard – and it’s not wrong about that. The point is here that this is a decision taken by a private business – no one started by asking what does this school need. It’s a school that comes with issues so no one wants it. A local authority doesn’t have that choice – it can’t walk away from any of its schools. It’s the fundamental difference between the public interest and the private interests of a trust.
It’s important to recognise that Aldridge is not one of the cowboy trusts that so disfigure the educational landscape. It’s had its successes and there’s no sign of the bad financial behaviour seen in too many MAT’s. But in a sense, that makes this issue all the more important. This is what even the best trusts are expected to do – to make decisions according to their corporate interests.
We have had cases elsewhere in which the government has effectively bribed trusts to take on tricky situations. But as we go forward there will be many cases where schools are not attractive to sponsors – small schools that are potentially unviable, those with PFI debts or falling rolls or just endemic low performance. Getting a market place made up of private businesses to take on schools where it’s not in their interests to do so will be a huge issue.
Fundamentally this story reminds us that there is a basic contradiction between the equitable delivery of public services and the interests of private business. Until this is sorted, more and more schools will be at the mercy of unpredictable market forces with serious consequences for staff and students alike.
How many poor kids get into grammar schools is not the issue – we don’t need more divisions and segregation in our societyPosted: September 10, 2016
It would be fair to say that the decision of Theresa May to launch her premiership with calls for more selection and more faith based schooling have left the education world reeling. As yet it is not at all easy to see just what will be proposed. We’re told it won’t be a return to a simple “binary pass/fail world”. It will be a modernised 21st century form of selection – while of course still harvesting the nostalgia of many for the grammar schools of old.
It’s pretty hard to see how selection involves anything other than passing or failing. No doubt there will be attempts to make non selective schools more acceptable and the issue will be further confused by the multiplicity of different kinds of school – probably even more than we have now. For example, it seems selective schools may have to sponsor or support non selective ones. How this makes rejection from the grammar school any more palatable is hard to see.
Much of the debate has focussed around who will get into grammar schools. We know what happens now – hardly any free meal pupils get in to most grammar schools. In a few cases there has been a genuine attempt to address this.
But to focus the debate on who gets in is to miss the most fundamental issue. If every grammar school took 20% pupils on free meals, it would still be a system unfit for the 21st century. If we could design a perfect selection system that never made a mistake, it would still be the wrong thing to do. Although we can take issue with the distorted curriculum of EBacc, the ambition that says every child is entitled to all the opportunities we can offer and no one should have to put up with second rate is surely right.
The Tory vision of social mobility, as expounded by May, has always been about rescuing and promoting a few of the deserving poor while leaving the rest behind. That cannot be the Labour vision. We need to stand firm behind the principle that says not just that opportunity is for all but that we will not be satisfied until all the gaps in achievement have been closed.
The big issue in English education has not been getting high achievement at the top. It’s been the depressingly long tail of underachievement that denies young people opportunity and also holds back our society and our economy. This of course is increasingly concentrated amongst particular parts of the country and particular ethnic and social groups.
The divisions in our society are real and alarming. They are based around class, geography, race and religion in varying combinations. To enhance these divisions by building in more segregation into the education system is surely folly. Too many people feel left out already – the referendum showed that so clearly. To go out of our way to find another way of rejecting children and telling them they’ve missed out at age 11 is folly of the most extreme kind. To encourage the dividing up of children on religious grounds is not just folly – it’s seriously dangerous.
So let’s not get bogged down in a debate about how many poor kids scrape into selective schools. Let’s hang on to fundamental beliefs in inclusion and about the value of a common educational experience in which all kinds of young people learn to live and work together.
At the recent Teach First conference (https://www.teachfirst.org.uk/press/alan-milburn-calls-social-mobility-tests-education-policy) Alan Milburn – our social mobility Tsar – claimed that “it will be impossible to make progress in improving social mobility until the educational attainment gap between less well-off and better-off children is closed. Our future success in a globally competitive economy relies on using all of our country’s talent not just some of it.”
Now no one would deny that the gap between the educational performance of disadvantaged pupils and the rest is unacceptable. One of the most noticeable features of English education when compared with other countries is our long tail of underachievement.
But his analysis breaks down in two ways. First, his proposals for closing the gap assume that it can be done by a bit more tinkering with the educational system. A new performance measure. Sack a few more heads. Let a few teachers off their student loans. Set a new target and give Ofsted something new to beat schools up over.
Some of these proposals are extraordinarily muddled – so for example
Scrap tuition fees for teacher training and provide housing support for existing teachers who work in the worst schools in disadvantaged areas. If these are really the worst schools, why would we want to keep and reward the current teachers? Or is “worst” really a synonym for disadvantaged. If so it is really saying something worrying about his assumptions.
The lowest performing 20% of schools to be given intensive support or have wholesale change in leadership if they continue to fail. Unfortunately basic maths says there will always be a lowest performing 20%. Improve some and others will fall into the 20%. And anyway, by what measure will the 20% be identified – something that has baffled educational statisticians for many years.
There is nothing here about educational fundamentals – nothing about the crisis in teacher supply or in teacher morale. Or about the disastrous testing and exam regime imposed by Gove and Morgan. Or about the socially selective admissions system that you find in much of the country. Or about the continued existence of the privileged private school sector.
But even more importantly, he totally ignores issues in our wider society outside education. Nothing about poverty wages, insecure employment, inadequate housing, food banks and all the rest. If children have parents who are seeing their living standards driven down as an act of deliberate policy, they are not likely “to be ready to compete in the modern labour market”.
To pretend that fiddling with school performance measures will counter-balance all this is frankly disgraceful – a cynic would say it’s simply a way of avoiding having to think about what inequality is really like in our country.
There is however an even more fundamental issue. According to Milburn, education is meant to bring about social mobility. This assumption demonstrates a fundamental failure to understand how social mobility works – or doesn’t.
There are basically two ways in which social mobility can work. Sometimes – as in the 1950’s and 1960’s – there is structural change in the labour market which opens up opportunities for some people to move into a different kind of job from their families. The expansion of higher education created opportunities that had not been there before in order to provide the growing demand for professional and “white collar” employment. But there is much less of this in today’s labour market, especially where “middling” craft and admin jobs are increasingly disappearing.
The second way is if there is movement both up and down the class system – a genuine meritocracy. Social mobility is not just about moving up – it has to involve going down too. Making this happen is incredibly difficult. The already privileged have very many ways of making sure that it will not be their children who move down.
Achieving a meritocracy is made harder in our society by the extraordinarily unequal rewards offered for different jobs. For a child from a professional family to move into a non-professional job involves a huge hit in potential income and even more in social status. We don’t value trade and craft skills. And anyone working in an unskilled job can expect insecurity and bullying at a wage that can’t support a family. If this is what downward mobility looks like, don’t expect to see it happen any time soon.
So, no, social mobility will not be brought about by tinkering with the performance tables or by blaming schools in disadvantaged areas for supposed failure. Genuine educational reform can make a dent in the issue and can enable more young people to have some better opportunities. But in the end real social mobility will only happen if we have a more equal society which really values every kind of work and contribution.
The last month has seen events in British politics move at a pace that is probably unprecedented. At times just keeping up has felt like a full time occupation. So this blog has been rather quiet as other issues have taken priority.
But as we approach the formation of a new government, it is an appropriate moment to look at the DfE agenda and perhaps identify some things that current ministers have mismanaged or ignored and which new ministers (if that is what we get) need to pay attention to.
It so happens that in the last few days, a number of issues have been brought into sharp perspective through the publication of research and through just the press of events:
There have been three reports on the performance of multi-academy trusts. They come from the DfE itself, the Sutton Trust and the Education Policy Institute (chaired by Lib Dem ex minister David Laws). They agree that at the very least MATs are no more effective than local authorities. A few are effective – as Sir Michael Wilshaw told the Select Committee, he could find half a dozen good ones – but no more. It’s clear than many trusts are not effective. The EPI’s first recommendation is very straightforward – “ditch full academisation as a policy in favour of ensuring all pupils are in a good school”.
At the same time, another of Gove’s superheads bit the dust. Durand Trust received a notice threatening termination unless it sorted out the massive conflicts of interest in its structure. In particular its founder, Greg Martin, is required to sever all links with the trust and its schools. Durand’s reaction – it is seeking legal advice!
TheTeachers’ Pay Review body’s report – massively overdue – has highlighted the growing crisis in teacher recruitment and retention. It told ministers that they must be prepared to pay teachers more in future years recognising a continuing decline in teachers’ earnings compared to other professions.
At the same time the workforce census data showed 10% of teachers leaving the profession last year and almost a quarter leaving within three years of qualifying. The latter is the worst figure since records began in 1996.
The first results of KS2 tests under the new curriculum and testing arrangements were published. Just 53% of pupils reached the expected standard. So almost half the population have been labelled as failures at age 11. And to rub it in, one outcome is that many thousands of pupils will start their secondary school career faced with re-taking their KS2 tests. It is hard to imagine anything more likely to cause disillusionment at just the time when pupils should be excited by the new opportunities opening up in secondary school.
A petition regretting the exclusion of arts and technology subjects from the EBacc was debated in Westminster Hall. The crisis in design and technology was a particular feature with just 40% of teacher training places being taken up. When asked to justify the privileged position of history and geography, Nick Gibb responded that “we believe it is important that young people learn the skills of writing essays”.
The new Chief Inspector
The nominee for the post of HMCI, Amanda Spielman, suffered the unusual fate of being rejected by the Education Select Committee. Nicky Morgan has said she will override this decision. A lot of the great and good have rallied round emphasising her management qualities and arguing that she would be very different from Wilshaw. The committee was accused of hankering after a male and macho style of leadership.
It is true that to have a numerate Chief Inspector and one less inclined to give vent to personal prejudices would be no bad thing. But we are asked to have an HMCI who would not be qualified to participate herself in an inspection in any part of her sprawling empire. The tone of her session at the select committee was set by her first answer:
Chair: “Why do you want to be Her Majesty’s chief inspector?”
Amanda Spielman: “Why? It is a bit of a “mountain” answer: because it’s there. It is something that is incredibly important in the system and that cannot be approached simplistically. It is not a routine thing that you simply have to point in a certain direction and off it goes. It needs understanding of education; understanding of large and complex systems and how they evolve and need to be steered over time; understanding of Government and the pressures on Government; and understanding a big and complex profession. It brings it all together in a very exciting way. It is a challenge that I couldn’t resist.”
I don’t think it’s asking too much to think that the answer could have included something about making a difference for children. Frankly you’d expect better from a candidate for a head of department job in a school. And in this case it didn’t get better. But she’s probably going to get the job unless a new Secretary of State takes a different view.
So there a lot of chickens coming home to roost. We can only hope that we will see some changes at the DfE and that a new team will recognise how much needs doing and how misguided much of current policy is.
But then we remember that Teresa May supported the proposal for a grammar school annex in her constituency of Maidenhead ……. groans ….
The author of this piece, Steve Longden, is an experienced teacher and has worked as an Equality Policy manager in local government in Greater Manchester. He is a member of Altrincham and Sale CLP
A resolution based on this article will be debated at the SEA Annual Conference on 25th June. Details and booking arrangements can be found at https://socialisteducationalassociation.org/
Any right predicated on wealth should not be allowed to supersede the right to equality of opportunity
Much has been said in recent years about increasing inequality in the UK and the crucial role that improving state education has in addressing this problem. Far less has been said about actively addressing the inequalities sustained by private and grammar schools.
I am an experienced teacher, new Labour Party and NUT member. I intend to submit a policy proposal to the party, explaining why I believe private and grammar schools should be phased out. Any Labour Party members who would like to support the proposal are welcome to join this policy campaign group:
The Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission’s 2014 examination of who gets the top jobs in Britain today found ‘elitism so stark that it could be called ‘Social Engineering’’. Private schools, educating 7 per cent of the nation’s pupils, provide:
- 71 per cent of senior judges
- 62 per cent of senior armed forces officers
- 55 per cent of permanent secretaries
- 53 per cent of senior diplomats
- 50 per cent of members of the House of Lords
- 45 per cent of public body chairs
- 44 per cent of the Sunday Times Rich List
- 43 per cent of newspaper columnists
- 36 per cent of the Cabinet
- 35 per cent of the national rugby team
- 33 per cent of MPs
- 33 per cent of the England cricket team
- 26 per cent of BBC executives and
- 22 per cent of the Shadow Cabinet.
Furthermore, a disproportionate amount of UK government spending on schools goes to the private sector. For example, in 2009 the OECD revealed (through its routine statistical publications) that the UK diverted a larger share of government education spending (25.1 per cent) to a tiny proportion of privately educated children (7 per cent) than almost any other rich nation.
In the state sector, ‘less than 3 per cent of students attending grammar schools are eligible for free school meals, whereas the average proportion of pupils entitled to free school meals in selective areas is 18 per cent’.
This disparity is caused by wealthier parents pushing up house prices in the catchment areas of grammar schools, in an effort to increase the chances of their children gaining places. Grammar school head teachers point to the use of private tutors who coach children to pass entrance tests. Over four times as many children are admitted to grammar schools from the private school sector than children on free school meals.
In December 2015 the Commission reported that, ‘despite many welcome initiatives, the current policy response – by educators and employers as much as governments – falls well short of the political ambition. The gap between rhetoric and reality has to be closed’.
Unfortunately, by failing to address the inequity of private education in any of its policy recommendations the Commission has fallen short of addressing one of the greatest causes of social immobility and elitism in the nation.
Perhaps the British public’s love of ‘choice’ when deciding how to spend their hard earned money argues against the phasing out of private and grammar schools? These survey results suggest otherwise:
- When asked in the 2010 British Social Attitudes Survey,’should the quality of education be the same for all children, or should parents who can afford it be able to pay for better education’, 61 per cent of respondents thought it should be the same for all children.
- 2013 research by YouGov found that 78 per cent of the public in Great Britain thinks that ‘it should be the government’s job to ensure that rich and poor children have the same chances’.
The existence of private and grammar school social engineering is reason enough to phase them out. However, those who buy their services console themselves with arguments that help them to justify their continued use. The most common of these arguments are outlined and challenged here:
- The state’s comprehensive system encourages mediocrity.
Qualified teachers are fully aware of the importance of meeting the needs of each student in their classroom. The set of techniques employed by teachers to ensure this is called ‘differentiation’. In order for a teacher in the state sector to be judged as ‘good’ or ‘outstanding’ they must demonstrate their effective use, including stretching and challenging the most able students.
- Abolishing private and grammar schools would mean the most affluent would simply create their own ‘elite’ within the state system.
This very real phenomenon can be addressed by ensuring that any school judged ‘good’ or ‘outstanding’ by Ofsted be required to reserve places equivalent to the percentage of students eligible for free school meals within their local authority. This would ensure that wealthier families moving into the catchment areas to access these schools would not prevent social mobility amongst the area’s poorest students.
- What really matters is class size!
In 2011 The Department for Education reported that the evidence base on the link between class size and attainment showed that a smaller class size did have a positive impact on attainment and behaviour in the early years of school. However, it also showed that this effect tends to be small, and diminishes after a few years. This finding is also supported by The Sutton Trust’s research on the effects of class size on pupil performance. Furthermore, Hattie (2009), Rivkin et al (2005) and Hanushek (2011) all argue that increasing teacher effectiveness creates much greater value for money than reducing class sizes.
After three decades of rising wealth inequalities and with clear evidence from the government’s Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission about the negative impact private schools are having on social mobility, now is the time to expose the assumption that ‘choosing’ private education or using wealth to access schooling is a fundamental right.
I recommend that the Labour Party should adopt the following policies:
- Turn all private and grammar schools into non-fee paying, non-selective state schools over a period of five to 10 years. This can be done gradually starting with each school’s youngest intake.
- Within its first five-year term, increase government spending per child to at least the higher North West European average.
- Any government funded school judged to be ‘good’ or ‘outstanding’ by Ofsted should have a legal duty to reserve places equivalent to the percentage of students eligible for free school meals in the local authority, including such students residing outside the school’s catchment area.
Surely, any right predicated on wealth should not be allowed to supersede the right to equality of opportunity.
The SEA AGM and Annual Conference will be held at Student Central (formerly the University of London Union, Malet Street London, WC1E 7HY on Saturday 25th June 2016. The AGM will begin at 10.00 and the Conference will run from 11.00 am to 5 pm.
Members and supporters of SEA are welcome at the conference.
The conference will focus on three themes:
Issues arising from The Education White Paper which include mass academisation and the undermining of parental involvement in schools, threats to the professionalism and the working conditions of school staff and the growth of inequality in education.
Higher Education which, with rather less publicity, is also threatened by the government’s dogmatic adherence to marketization.
How SEA can develop alternatives – at the early stage in the parliamentary cycle, SEA needs to identify key areas where new thinking is needed and how we can influence the national policy making process
As speakers to the conference we will be welcoming:
- Mary Bousted, General Secretary of ATL
- John Holmwood, Campaign for the Public University and Professor of Sociology at University of Nottingham
- Liz Lawrence, President of UCU
- Jules Pipe, Mayor of Hackney
- Sorana Vieru NUS Vice-President (Higher Education)
- Catherine West MP (Hornsey and Wood Green)
The conference will also consider resolutions submitted by SEA members.
The cost to attend the conference is £25 waged and £15 unwaged. This includes lunch.
You can book a place by e mail to email@example.com . Payment can be made on the day.
In order to confirm arrangements including catering it is important we know who is coming and that members book in good time.